Cumann na Saoirse Náisiúnta

National Irish Freedom Committee

Will Freedom Movements Spark Ireland?”

 By Seán Rielley

2/28/11, Kansas City, Missouri

     As St. Patrick’s Day approaches again, I have mixed emotions. As a Catholic Christian I venerate Patrick and all of the Irish saints, whose beautiful contributions to Christianity make for great reading. I was raised in a staunchly Irish family, my grandmother straight from County Cork. A passion for Ireland was passed on to me. I am all for having fun during the “season”, but I feel there is something much deeper about being Irish than green beer and Celtic-inspired rock music. A big part of that deeper connection to Ireland for me is the general feeling I have always had that Ireland should be united and free; that England needs to get out. As Middle Eastern nations erupt in populist uprisings to political tyranny, I envision this as a perfect time for the Irish to protest en masse for freedom. But as the newly built British MI5 superbase outside of Belfast stands imposingly over Ireland without public outcry, I am left to wonder if England has finally accomplished the goal of pacifying the Irish nation.

     Tom Williams, the 18-year old Irish Republican hung by the British authorities in 1942, wrote to his comrades, “Well may England quake, Ireland’s awake, Ireland’s awake”. The young man knew Irish history well, for he was repeating a battle cry that goes back to the 1798 Rising, and probably further than that. Today though, I think the Irish people have been lulled to sleep, and Irish-Americans have as well. The Good Friday Agreement and the political process that followed have resulted in a great decrease in the violence in the North of Ireland. This peace is a wonderful development, and a fragile reality. But we must recall the history of the Anglo-Irish conflict. The old saying, “Those who do not know history’s mistakes are doomed to repeat them”, applies here. A big reason why peace is fragile is because of the nature of the “Northern Ireland” statelet. The late all-Ireland Catholic primate, Tomás Cardinal Ó Fiaich, told Margaret Thatcher that the Northern Ireland state was a lie from the beginning. He was speaking to the colonial reality of the British imposed division of Ireland, which has also divided Catholics and Protestants in the occupied six counties. I am a recent college graduate and have studied Irish history on my own for over a decade. I agree with Ó Fiaich’s analysis that England’s foreign occupation is the root cause of centuries of war in Ireland. I am convinced that any reasonable person who studies the history of British imperialism in Ireland, through eight centuries of oppression, starvation, and conflict, will come to the same conclusion. 

     If we agree that England’s colonial rule is the root cause of the conflict, then why are the Irish people, and Irish-America for that matter, sold a bill of goods that the Good Friday Agreement is the final political settlement of the Anglo-Irish conflict? History shows that successive British governments have tried to settle the “Irish problem” with acts of parliament that merely copper-fastened foreign dominion. For me, the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 is the best example of dubious British statecraft. The Irish people had fought the British government and military to a standstill, and yet even leaders such as Michael Collins accepted a treaty that allowed six northern counties to remain under British rule. Collins held that the treaty was a “stepping-stone” to a 32-county sovereign Republic, but republicans of that day knew better. Flash forward ninety years, and it is clear to see that the 1921 Treaty, far from being a final settlement of the Anglo-Irish conflict, is actually the source of decades of war and tragedy. The problem then was that the Treaty was merely a restatement of the British Government of Ireland Act of 1920, which illegally divided the Irish nation for England’s colonial gain. Some people today argue that the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 is the same British restatement, copper-fastening partition and re-packaging foreign occupation. Even Gerry Adams, the famed Irish republican leader who led the bulk of the republican movement to accept the agreement, still insists that Britain’s false claim to sovereignty over six of Ireland’s counties is the root cause of conflict and the biggest obstacle to peace.

     When I bring up the occupied six counties talking point, many people say, “Well, things have really calmed down in Northern Ireland, haven’t they?” I point out to them my conclusion that England’s occupation is still the biggest obstacle to peace, and I also point out that England has no intention of leaving. Gerry Adams has called for reunification of Ireland by 2016, and while I love the optimism, I wonder if this is wishful thinking. Let’s look at the facts that have not changed in the north. The wound of partition remains and continues to divide the Irish nation and its people. “Peace walls” still divide Catholics and Protestants in Belfast, continued symptoms of the inherent sectarianism of the statelet. The bulk of the republican movement has decommissioned its weapons, but England has not. Her guns are still aimed at Ireland, as thousands of British troops are still stationed in the occupied counties, with an infinite amount that remain on standby in England, readily accessible via helicopter. The British have always used Irish territory for military purposes, whether as defense against the threat of Spanish, French, German, or Soviet invasion, or for military training against a recalcitrant native population. As Fr.  Seán McManus of the Irish National Caucus has noted, members of Britain’s undercover military units, responsible for colluding with loyalist murder gangs for decades in the north, are now employed in Iraq, to cause harm there. In fact, some of those units have made their appearance again on Irish streets. Furthermore, even though the vast majority of Irish (and Americans) do not condone a continuation of violence, the fact that there are still Irishmen and women in prisons, north and south, for their resistance to British rule, makes me very uncomfortable, especially since they have been close to the brink of prolonged hunger-strike recently. We must be concerned also for cases of innocents incarcerated, so prevalent in decades past. This highlights the need for an independent all-Ireland judiciary system. As further proof that the British are trying to normalize their occupation, my cousin in Ireland told me that the British are actively promoting English soccer as a way to normalize foreign rule. I was shocked at how many English soccer jerseys I saw Irish kids wearing. Even worse was the 2006 England-Ireland Rugby match played in the Gaelic Athletic Association’s Croke Park stadium. This was the first time the GAA held an England vs. Ireland sporting event, as it has always been considered unjust while England continues to occupy part of the country. The Union Jack was hoisted and “God Save the Queen” was played.

     For centuries up to 1922, Dublin Castle was the incastellation of British rule in Ireland; the eyes and ears of foreign oppression. The new British MI5 superbase outside Belfast now serves that role. Finished in 2007 at the cost of £100 million, (roughly $161 million) the base in Holywood, Co. Down even has a deep subterranean level, making it the backup headquarters for England’s Secret Service in London. Fr. Joe McVeigh, a priest active in the north, has described the new superbase as an obvious example of England’s entrenchment in Ireland, politically and militarily. For decades, human rights organizations, nationalists/republicans and religious leaders have denounced the collusion between the British intelligence apparatus and loyalist murder squads for killing nationalists and random Catholics. In 2006, the Dublin government concluded that this collusion was indeed widespread. But where was the condemnation from the Dublin government over the new British intelligence fortress? The silence is deafening there, but we must not be duped by England’s posturing of neutrality in Ireland. Instead of being a neutral arbitrator, an image that the British have worked carefully to portray through the media in Ireland and in America, England has been and continues to be the colonial aggressor.

     The big question then is what can be done in Ireland, and in America, to make the final push for Irish national self-determination? I have a great admiration for the Irishmen and women who have fought, and often died, facing the British militarily, even during the recent “Troubles” period. While I admire the sacrifices of many young and women, I am aware that many atrocities were committed in the name of Irish freedom, and over a thousand lives were taken in that effort, including many uninvolved civilians. Terrorism, specifically, can never be justified, no matter the cause. After watching the events in Egypt unfold on the news, I am convinced that mass peaceful demonstration can do more for freedom’s cause than the gun and bomb can ever do. There has not been this kind of involvement of the masses for Ireland’s cause since the 1981 hunger-strike days, but the time is now for that kind of movement. If the youth of Egypt can organize spontaneously through internet social networking, the Irish can as well. And getting back to us in the States, it has often been said by Irish republicans that Irish-America holds the key to a united Ireland, especially since our nation’s closest ally is England. The message is simple.  We want England to make a public declaration of its intent to withdraw from Ireland. On an international level, we can support the efforts of Irish groups to petition the United Nations on the illegality of Britain’s occupation. Locally, we can march in “England get out of Ireland” marches on St. Pat’s Day, and distribute buttons that proclaim the same message. (Those buttons are easy to make on the computer. I just used Microsoft Word to create oval-shaped graphics, fit them to the size of large lapel buttons from a local crafts store, print and cut). We can also get the message out through bumper stickers, which can be found online, and by contacting our congressmen and women. Finally we can promote Irish culture through patriotic music and Gaelic sports. I recently saw Derek Warfield and the Young Wolfetones in town, and I hope they are not a dying breed.

All of these efforts mentioned can help the Irish defend their nation against Anglicization and foreign rule. Prayer and fasting are also time-tested Christian expressions of solidarity, in the hope that peace, justice, and freedom will finally come to Ireland.


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