|
Presidential
Address
to
Ard-Fheis
2007
A
Chathaoirligh,
a
Theachtaí
is
a
cháirde
ar
fad.
Fearaim
Céad
Míle
Fáilte
romhaibh
go
léir
ag
an
Ard-Fheis
seo,
an
dara
ceann
is
céad
de
chuid
Shinn
Féin.
You
are
most
welcome
to
this,
the
103rd
Ard-Fheis
of
Sinn
Féin.
We
have
just
completed
another
busy
year
in
upholding
and
promoting
the
right
of
the
people
of
Ireland
to
national
independence
in
the
face
of
a
steady
campaign
to
have
us
accept
and
normalise
British
rule
in
this
country.
We
began
the
year
with
highly
successful
50th
anniversary
commemorations
in
Limerick
and
in
Monaghan
of
the
deaths
for
Ireland
of
Sean
Sabhat
and
Fearghal
Ó
h-Anluain.
We
had
the
spectacle
of
former
comrades
pretending
that
they
did
not
die
for
Irish
freedom,
that
they
gave
their
lives
for
what
is
euphemistically
called
“equality”,
that
is
civil
rights
under
English
rule
in
Ireland.
We
ended
the
year
with
fitting
ceremonies
for
the
Edentubber
Martyrs
in
Wexford
and
at
the
place
of
their
deaths
for
Ireland
50
years
ago.
At
New
Year,
our
members
in
Limerick
produced
and
sold
a
booklet
in
memory
of
Sabhat
and
Ó
h-Anluain,
while
at
year’s
end,
with
help
from
our
members,
the
staff
at
Ard-Oifig,
brought
out
a
very
appropriate
Story
of
the
Edentubber
Martyrs.
The
production
of
such
publications
is
very
necessary
at
this
time
because
of
the
amount
of
mis-representation
of
the
high
ideals
for
which
our
martyrs
sacrificed
their
all.
But
such
is
not
confined
to
the
case
of
Republicans
of
the
1950s.
In
September
last,
a
County
Secretary
of
the
GAA
stood
at
Liam
Lynch’s
grave
and
told
us
that
“he
believed
Lynch
would
have
accepted
the
(so-called)
Good
Friday
Agreement”.
This
came
85
years
subsequent
to
Liam
Lynch
being
killed
in
action
fighting
against
the
Treaty
of
Surrender,
which
sought
to
maintain
Partition
and
English
rule
here,
and
shortly
after
he
stated:
“We
have
declared
for
an
Irish
Republic
and
will
not
live
under
any
other
law”.
In
keeping
with
this
insidious
campaign
of
mis-representation
of
the
patriot
dead,
another
series
of
efforts
is
being
made
by
stealth
and
fraud
to
take
over
Republican
Memorials
throughout
the
country.
The
purpose
here
is
to
further
the
misleading
interpretation
of
the
cause
for
which
they
died.
This
latter
offensive
may
be
furthered
by
offers
to
refurbish
memorials,
or
provide
funds
to
do
so,
or
even
to
place
flagpoles
beside
them.
Such
advances
can
only
be
exposed
and
countered
at
local
level
and
it
behoves
our
members
to
do
so
without
hesitation.
These
activities
are
designed
to
strike
at
the
very
roots
of
the
historic
Republican
Movement
and
to
overturn
its
ideology.
We
need
to
be
on
the
alert.
Similarly,
in
the
early
days
of
the
calendar
New
Year,
British
State
papers
for
1976
were
released
to
the
media.
These
contained
falsifications
of
the
positions
adopted
by
the
Republican
leadership
during
talks
with
British
representatives
in
1974/1976.
Once
more
and
for
the
record:
(1)
We
never
met
any
British
agents
other
than
at
the
meetings
chronicled
in
the
documentation
deposited
in
the
Archives
at
the
NUI
Galway
in
June
2005.
(These
have
been
available
to
researchers
since
December
2005.);
(2)
A
“private”
Declaration
of
Intent
by
the
British
Government
to
disengage
from
Ireland
was
never
sought.
At
all
times,
this
Declaration
was
required
to
be
PUBLIC;
(3)
At
no
time
was
“a
future
loyalist
government
in
a
six-county
Ulster”
contemplated.
A
nine-county
Ulster
within
a
four-province
All-Ireland
federation
was
never
departed
from.
For
the
British
Establishment
to
keep
false
records
is
to
provide
an
untrue
and
inaccurate
analysis
from
which
a
final
settlement
of
the
historic
“Irish
Question”
cannot
be
constructed.
During
January
also
and
in
the
run-up
to
his
Ard-Fheis,
Gerry
Adams
sought,
publicly
this
time,
a
meeting
or
meetings
with
“dissident
republican
leaders”.
We
replied
publicly
“who
is
Mr.
Adams
addressing?
Is
it
the
people
who
have
resigned
recently
from
his
party
?
For
our
part
we
are
not
dissidents”.
We
continued:
“Mr.
Adams
knows
well
our
core
values.
He
knows
that
no
reconciliation
is
possible.
Republican
Sinn
Féin’s
values
were
once
his
own,
before
he
and
the
Provos
decided
to
accept
the
institutions
of
British
rule
in
Ireland.
The
discussions
he
proposes
do
not
refer
to
us”.
We
went
on
to
picket
the
Provo
Ard-Fheis
at
the
end
of
the
month.
This
was
to
highlight
the
fact
that
the
real
issue
was
the
acceptance
by
the
Provos
of
British
police,
British
law
and
British
courts
in
Ireland.
The
theme
of
the
picket
was
the
never-changing
role
of
the
RIC/RUC/PSNI
in
Ireland,
which
is
to
uphold
British
rule.
Indeed,
the
latest
report
at
that
time
from
the
British
Police
Ombudsman
Nuala
O’Loan
on
collusion
between
RUC/PSNI
and
loyalist
death
squads
served
only
to
reinforce
this
point.
The
Ard-Chomhairle’s
New
Year
statement
2007
called
for
clear
thinking,
leadership
and
a
programme
of
action.
This
would
provide
a
focal
point
of
resistance
to
that
section
of
the
Irish
people
who
would
never
accept
English
rule
in
Ireland.
Republican
Sinn
Féin
represented
the
only
political
alternative
capable
of
providing
this,
coming
as
it
does
from
a
position
of
solid
and
unequivocal
Irish
Republicanism.
Other
groups
and
organisations,
it
said,
may
attempt
to
hold
this
ground
but
Republican
Sinn
Féin
is
the
only
political
organisation
to
uphold
the
right
of
Irish
people
acting
as
a
unit,
to
determine
their
own
destiny
subsequent
to
British
disengagement
from
Ireland.
We
rejected
both
partitionist
states
and
their
respective
assemblies.
The
task
facing
us
was
to
present
the
true
Republican
alternative
to
the
Irish
people,
opposing
all
efforts
to
normalise
British
rule
here.
Thus,
participation
in
the
puppet
assembly
at
Stormont,
visits
by
English
royal
family
members
and
especially
their
Queen,
visits
by
British
airforce,
naval
or
military
personnel
to
the
26-County
state,
or
other
events
which
have
the
purpose
of
normalising
the
British
presence
in
Ireland
had
to
be
opposed.
For
the
past
year,
we
are
happy
to
say,
this
programme
was
largely
implemented,
although
hampered
greatly
by
a
denial
of
publicity
in
the
media.
On
February
24th,
for
the
first
time
ever,
Croke
Park,
the
GAA’s
national
stadium,
was
handed
over
for
an
Ireland-England
rugby
match.
The
English
national
anthem
“God
Save
the
Queen”
was
played
and
the
British
flag,
the
Union
Jack,
was
flown
at
the
grounds
where
14
innocent
Irish
civilians,
including
a
Tipperary
football
player
were
shot
dead
and
many
others
wounded
and
injured
by
British
Forces.
Republican
Sinn
Féin
held
a
protest
outside
the
grounds
during
the
match.
The
leaflet
distributed
on
that
occasion
said:
“We
protest
at
the
presence
of
the
English
rugby
team
in
Croke
Park
because
they
represent
a
country
which
continues
to
occupy
the
North-Eastern
part
of
Ireland;
the
events
of
Bloody
Sunday
cannot
be
dismissed
as
history
while
England
holds
six
Irish
counties;
our
protest
is
making
a
political
point
and
is
not
anti-rugby”
For
a
whole
week
beforehand
we
were
stretched
to
the
limit
providing
press
interviews,
radio
participation
and
television
appearances.
Des
Dalton,
Josephine
Hayden
and
Ruairí
Óg
Ó
Brádaigh
were
engaged
almost
on
a
full-time
basis
in
this
regard.
John
Horan
was
very
active
with
the
media
in
Dublin.
Des
Long
was
similarly
engaged
in
Limerick
and
Clare.
We
were
seen
to
be
the
body
making
the
stand
on
this
issue.
At
the
same
time,
we
were
rushed
into
a
Stormont
Election
north
of
the
Border
when
we
found
that
an
oath
was
no
longer
required
at
the
nomination
of
candidates.
Six
candidates
were
put
forward;
in
East
Derry,
West
Tyrone,
Mid-Ulster,
Fermanagh-South
Tyone,
Upper
Bann
and
West
Belfast.
A
quarter
of
a
million
copies
of
our
election
manifesto
were
delivered
through
the
post
to
every
household
in
the
six
constituencies
and
our
opening
press
conference
in
Belfast
was
covered
by
the
media.
Following
that,
there
was
almost
total
media
blackout
of
Republican
Sinn
Féin
throughout
the
election.
Even
our
name
was
suppressed
by
the
Stormont
regime’s
electoral
body
and
a
compliant
media
followed
suit.
Our
candidates
were
styled
as
“Independents”
taking
away
our
coherent
strategy
and
sense
of
direction.
Although
not
registered
as
a
“party”
at
Leinster
House
for
40
years,
the
media
in
the
26-Counties
do
not
class
Republican
Sinn
Féin
candidates
as
“Independents”,
but
treat
them
as
an
organised
body.
Indeed,
on
the
TG4
television
programme
Seacht
Lá
on
polling
day,
March
7th,
a
commentator
(Joe
Tiernan)
stated
that
there
was
a
complete
block
on
publicity
for
Republican
Sinn
Féin
and
that
there
appeared
to
have
been
an
agreement
between
the
various
channels
to
this
effect.
The
result
was,
that
denied
publicity
and
even
their
organisation’s
name,
our
six
candidates
were
consigned
to
a
welter
of
25
Independents,
without
the
distinction
of
the
Republican
Sinn
Féin
title
and
direction.
Of
course
the
harassment
by
the
RUC/PSNI
of
our
election
workers
continued
during
the
campaign.
Given
these
circumstances,
the
outcome
was
as
expected.
Expenses
were
heavy,
of
course,
especially
the
printing
of
posters
and
manifestos
together
with
advertising
in
local
newspapers.
In
this
regard,
our
own
members
rallied
in
style
and
with
another
positive
development,
we
are
happy
to
announce
that
all
debts
have
been
cleared.
We,
at
this
Ard-Fheis,
applaud
all
of
our
candidates,
their
agents
and
supporters,
who
fought
a
first-rate
campaign
against
very
great
odds.
As
the
Easter
Statement
read
at
all
Commemorations,
commented:
“Supporters
should
remember
that
the
struggle
for
Irish
National
Liberation
has
never
been
measured
by
the
number
of
votes
which
our
movement
has
been
afforded,
but
by
the
commitment
of
the
small
numbers
who
have
remained
steadfast
and
loyal
to
the
Irish
Republic”.
Incidentally,
we
did
not
contest
where
there
was
an
abstentionist
candidate
already
in
the
field,
and
in
our
Eve
of
Poll
message,
we
called
for
support
for
all
abstentionist
candidates,
that
is,
for
our
own
six
and
two
others.
The
creeping
Anglicisation
of
Ireland
continued
throughout
the
year.
British
warships
paid
formal
visits
to
Cork
and
Waterford,
but
in
both
cases
they
were
met
publicly
by
Republican
Sinn
Féin
pickets
to
show
they
were
not
welcome.
The
reception
from
both
passers-by
and
passing
motorists
indicated
clearly
that
they
too
agreed
with
the
picket.
Then
in
July
Gerry
Adams
sponsored
a
formal
visit
to
the
former
No-Go
area
of
Ballymurphy
by
the
head
of
the
British
Police
in
Ireland,
Hugh
Orde.
They
shook
hands
publicly
and
toured
the
area,
indicating
that
Ballymurphy,
once
famous
for
its
resistance
to
British
occupation,
was
now
a
place
where
British
forces
were
in
control
and
were
welcome.
What
an
abject
political
and
military
surrender
!
Next
month,
August
saw
what
was
once
the
“jewel
in
the
crown”
for
Republicans
–
Crossmaglen
in
South
Armagh
–
ceremonially
handed
over
to
the
Brits
when
leading
Provo,
Conor
Murphy,
publicly
welcomed
Hugh
Orde
there.
For
decades
“the
Boys
from
Crossmaglen”
prevented
British
occupation
forces
from
travelling
there
except
by
helicopter.
Yet,
on
an
August
evening,
the
name
that
was
honoured
around
the
world
for
resistance
to
imperialism
and
colonialism
was
brought
low
in
the
most
slavish
and
shameful
manner.
The
Brits
reign
supreme
in
Crossmaglen
!
The
Newry
Democrat
quoted
Republican
Sinn
Féin
in
South
Armagh
as
calling
for
the
rejection
of
the
Provisionals.
Encouraged
by
such
surrenders,
the
British
police
chief
ventured
as
far
afield
as
Rebel
Cork
in
September.
There
he
was
met
at
the
entrance
to
the
hotel
venue
by
a
Republican
Sinn
Féin
picket,
indicating
to
him
that
he
was
not
welcome.
“The
Boys
from
the
County
Cork”
upheld
a
most
honourable
tradition.
The
local
media
were
told
by
a
Republican
Sinn
Féin
spokesperson
that
London
and
Dublin
were
attempting
to
“sell
the
lie
that
the
national
question
had
been
settled”.
This
could
only
be
achieved
with
Britain’s
withdrawal
from
Ireland,
he
said.
Other
events
that
were
not
publicised
beforehand
and
were
sprung
on
the
local
people
included
the
unveiling
of
a
plaque
in
Boyle,
Co
Roscommon
to
a
British
soldier
from
the
area
who
was
presented
with
the
VC
by
Queen
Victoria
of
England
150
years
ago
for
his
part
in
the
Crimean
War.
A
high-ranking
officer
of
the
26-County
defence
forces
did
the
unveiling
in
the
presence
of
Colonel
John
Steed,
the
British
military
attaché
at
their
Dublin
Embassy
and
Brigadier-General
Browne,
described
by
the
local
papers
as
“Chief
of
Staff
of
the
British
Army
in
Northern
Ireland”.
Similar
ceremonies
arranged
without
notice
and
always
including
both
the
26-County
state
forces
and
serving
British
soldiers
in
uniform
have
taken
place
in
the
26
Counties
in
recent
years.
Among
them
were
a
graveside
formality
in
Castlebar,
Co
Mayo
for
a
British
soldier
of
the
19th
century,
a
memorial
at
Carrigaline,
Co
Cork
to
an
official
Elizabethan
pirate
of
400
years
ago,
and
abroad
a
bicentenary
commemoration
of
the
British
naval
victory
at
Trafalgar
at
which
units
of
the
26-County
navy
took
part.
Such
base
grovelling
at
the
feet
of
an
enemy
still
within
our
gates
would
never
have
taken
place
while
men
and
women
of
Dan
Keating’s
generation,
who
fought
the
British
to
a
standstill
in
1921,
were
alive
and
in
their
health.
When
the
organisers
of
the
last
abandoned
loyalist
march
through
O’Connell
Street,
Dublin
threatened
a
repeat
performance
this
year,
Republican
Sinn
Féin
announced
that
it
would
oppose
such
a
demonstration
again.
Spokespersons
for
the
march
told
the
Irish
Times
in
October
that
“there
was
no
need”
for
it
because
“their
concerns
were
no
being
adequately
addressed
politically
by
the
(Dublin)
government”.
And
so
it
was
again
abandoned.
That
is
not
the
case
where
the
proposed
visit
to
Dublin
by
the
Queen
of
England
is
concerned.
The
fawning
–
in
a
most
servile
manner
–
that
we
witnessed
when
the
heir
to
the
crown
of
“Great
Britain
and
Northern
Ireland”
visited
Dublin
in
1995
is
bound
to
be
repeated
in
nauseating
fashion
For
the
very
good
reason
that
as
Irish
Republicans
we
dispute
the
claim
of
the
English
Crown
to
govern
any
part
of
Ireland,
we
must
oppose
politically
such
a
visit
–
the
first
in
100
years
–
and
organise
politically
against
it.
It
is
simply
our
duty
to
do
so.
There
will
be
no
toadying
or
kowtowing
as
far
as
we
are
concerned.
We
deny
the
claim
of
the
crown
of
England
to
rule
here.
That
is
all.
Let
us
organise.
Since
a
sum
of
approximately
€11,000
of
our
funds
was
seized
by
the
26-County
Special
Branch
from
the
hotel
safe
of
the
venue
of
our
Ard-Fheis
three
years
ago
the
question
of
finance
was
a
worry.
The
Branch
gave
no
receipt
for
the
money.
Eventually
they
admitted
having
seized
it
in
a
letter
to
our
solicitor,
but
they
claimed
it
was
the
property
of
a
so-called
“illegal
organisation”.
That
was
a
blatant
lie.
It
was
the
proceeds
of
our
annual
private
members’
draw,
as
well
as
some
affiliation
and
membership
fees
and
some
profit
from
an
Ard-Fheis
function.
Well
they
knew
that
to
be
the
case.
For
three
years
they
held
the
money.
The
solicitor
demanded
its
return,
as
did
the
national
treasurers
and
secretaries.
Then
last
July-
August
the
Galway
Comhairle
Ceantair
leafleted
the
Galway
Races
where
Fianna
Fáil
has
a
“hospitality
tent”
each
year
to
collect
huge
financial
subscriptions.
The
leaflet
asked
people
to
demand
the
return
of
our
11,000
euro,
a
mere
pittance
by
Fianna
Fáil
/PD
standards.
On
October
17
the
Special
Branch
returned
the
funds,
as
they
had
taken
them,
in
cash.
There
was
no
explanation
and
no
interest
was
paid.
The
money
was
used
to
clear
the
remaining
election
debts
and
the
remainder
will
help
to
balance
the
books
for
this
Ard-Fheis.
The
whole
episode
illustrates
just
the
lengths
to
which
the
Establishment
is
prepared
to
go
in
its
attempts
to
cripple
our
organisation.
Throughout
the
three
years
we
could
not
secure
even
a
sentence
about
the
seizure
of
the
funds
in
the
print
media,
not
to
mention
radio
or
television.
Yet
no
sooner
had
the
money
been
returned
than
the
media
approached
us
for
a
comment.
Similarly,
our
name
and
standing
as
Republican
Sinn
Féin
were
denied
to
us
by
the
media
during
the
Stormont
elections.
Yet
as
soon
as
the
counting
of
votes
was
over
they
were
back
again,
referring
to
us
by
our
proper
name
and
title.
During
the
year
also
the
report
by
Patrick
McEntee
SC
into
the
1974
Dublin-Monaghan
bombings
was
published
and
has
proved
to
be
a
non-event.
There
is
no
result
because
the
relevant
files
at
Garda
Headquarters
and
at
the
26-County
Departments
of
Justice
and
Defence
are
not
available.
They
are
either
“lost”
or
“missing”.
There
had
been
a
private
informal
inquiry
by
Judge
Barron
which
reported
in
2003.
Then
there
was
a
“Joint-Oireachtas”
investigation
into
both
Dublin-Monaghan
and
other
bombings
and
shootings
in
the
26
Counties
by
loyalists
with
British
forces
support.
As
a
follow-up
came
the
Mc
Entee
investigation
into
(a)
the
wind-down
of
garda
inquiries
after
a
mere
seven
and
a
half
weeks;
(b)
the
question
of
the
missing
files
and
(c)
the
leads
not
followed
up
by
the
Garda,
has
all
ended
without
conclusion.
The
first
two
inquiries
were
hindered
because
of
the
refusal
of
the
British
government
to
assist.
All
of
this,
taken
with
the
Crinion-Wyman
scandal
in
1972,
the
Littlejohns
affair
in
1973-74
and
now
the
Nuala
O’Loan
revelations,
points
to
a
secret
and
dirty
war
waged
by
the
British
in
which
civilians
were
deliberately
targeted.
A
bigger
process
is
needed.
An
international
inquiry
with
powers
of
discovery
of
documents
and
the
ability
to
compel
witnesses
to
attend
and
participate
is
now
required
to
investigate
the
many
such
incidents,
mainly
in
the
1970s.
Nothing
less
will
suffice.
In
June
the
decision
of
the
British
Public
Prosecution
Service
in
the
Six
Counties
that
no
retired
or
serving
members
of
the
British
Crown
Forces
will
be
prosecuted
for
the
murder
of
solicitor
Pat
Finucane
clearly
illustrates
that
the
nature
of
British
rule
in
Ireland
has
not
changed.
The
leopard
does
not
change
his
spots.
Despite
the
findings
of
the
Stevens
Inquiry
that
there
was
collusion
between
loyalist
death
squads
and
the
British
state
no
prosecutions
have
been
brought
against
British
Crown
forces
members.
It
has
also
emerged
that
a
gun
handed
back
to
RUC
informer
and
UDA
member
William
Stobie
by
the
RUC
was
used
in
the
murder
of
a
nationalist
man
in
1991
and
in
the
murders
of
five
nationalists
at
Seán
Graham’s
bookmakers
on
Belfast’s
Ormeau
Road
in
February
1992.
British
rule
by
its
very
nature
is
based
on
violence
and
fear.
Republican
Sinn
Féin
join
the
Finucane
family
in
calling
for
a
full
public
inquiry
into
Pat
Finucane’s
murder;
we
share
their
view
that
the
terms
of
the
present
inquiry
will
prevent
the
truth
from
being
established.
The
reason
for
the
failure
to
prosecute
is
the
fear
that
such
proceedings
would
expose
the
chain
of
command
right
up
to
the
political
control
which
provided
direction
and
funding
for
such
undercover
activities.
The
motivation
given
by
the
PPS
is
that
sufficient
evidence
is
not
available.
This
is
so
because
those
involved
were
careful
not
to
keep
records
of
their
secret
doings.
The
O’
Loan
Report
in
January
bears
out
what
Republican
Sinn
Féin
has
been
saying
for
decades.
The
report
admitted
that
collusion
went
right
to
the
top
of
the
RUC/PSNI.
Three
Assistant
Chief
Constables
and
a
number
of
Chief
Superintendents
have
been
involved.
It
also
conceded
that
Special
Branch
officers
who
ran
the
licensed
assassins
are
still
in
the
RUC/PSNI.
Yet
the
British
supremo,
Peter
Hain,
has
dismissed
such
murder
and
mayhem
as
“in
the
past”.
With
regard
to
the
future,
it
has
been
officially
stated
that
the
M15,
with
a
budget
of
many
millions
sterling,
will
be
responsible
for
intelligence
gathering
on
Republicans
and
will,
presumably,
be
employing
informers.
The
M15
will
not
,
we
have
been
told,
be
subject
to
investigation
by
the
Ombudsman’s
office.
Accordingly,
the
way
is
open
for
a
recurrence
of
collusion,
murder
and
related
crimes.
The
report
dealt
with
post-Provo
and
post-loyalist
ceasefire
killings
in
one
small
area
of
north
Belfast.
What
of
the
previous
25
years
and
the
rest
of
the
Six
Counties?
And
what
of
the
deaths
in
a
similar
fashion
of
over
1000
innocent
nationalists
and
several
hundred
unionist
civilian
non-combatants
at
the
hands
of
such
death
squads?
There
is
still
a
dark
murky
past
to
be
revealed.
The
UVF
statement
of
early
May
on
the
scaling
down
of
their
activities
was
given
a
qualified
welcome,
“if
taken
at
face
value”.
However,
we
said,
the
fact
that
arms
were
to
be
retained
and
would
continue
to
be
available
to
its
leadership
remained
a
threat
to
the
nationalist
people.
This
menace
also
extended
to
the
unionist
community,
many
of
whose
members
had
also
been
killed
by
the
same
UVF
while
others
had
suffered
greatly
at
their
hands.
A
campaign
against
the
nationalist
population
had
been
pursued
ever
since
the
first
civilians
–
both
Unionist
and
Nationalist
–
John
Patrick
Scullion,
Peter
Ward
and
Mrs
Gould
were
killed
by
the
UVF
in
the
summer
of
1966.
These
and
other
deaths
of
uninvolved
people
were
carried
out
deliberately
and
as
a
matter
of
policy.
The
unionist
working
class
would
be
much
better
served,
we
concluded,
provided
such
a
campaign
was
at
an
end,
by
active
representation
in
a
nine-county
Ulster
Parliament
such
as
has
been
proposed
by
Republican
Sinn
Féin
as
part
of
a
new
federation
of
the
four
provinces.
The
UDA,
on
the
other
hand,
is
the
largest
loyalist
armed
organisation.
It
had
negotiated,
no
less,
a
grant
from
British
direct
rule
ministers
for
1.2
million
sterling
(€1.7
million)
for
a
loyalist
Conflict
Transformation
Initiative
to
renovate
certain
loyalist
areas,
provided
the
UDA
commenced
the
decommissioning
of
its
arms.
The
deal
was
done
in
March
with
a
deadline
of
October.
The
October
date
passed
without
a
move
by
the
UDA,
and
the
SDLP
minister
now
responsible
Margaret
Ritchie,
cancelled
the
grant.
The
DUP
Finance
Minister
at
Stormont,
Peter
Robinson
reacted
strongly
to
this
decision,
and
Ms
Ritchie
revealed
that
she
had
been
pressurised
by
the
Dublin
Department
of
Foreign
Affairs,
Aras
an
Uachtaráin
in
the
Phoenix
Park
and
US
Special
Envoy
Paula
Dobriansky.
The
Irish
Times
Northern
News
Editor
wrote
that
all
this
“laid
bare
potentially
destructive
tensions
at
the
heart
of
the
Stormont
Executive
barely
five
months
after
it
was
set
up”.
The
same
journalist
wrote
that
there
were
disputes
over
the
Irish
Language
Bill,
the
following
week’s
budget
and
the
future
of
water
charges.
During
October
also
DUP
Minister
at
Stormont
Edwin
Poots’s
announced
that
he
would
not
be
introducing
legislation
to
support
the
Irish
Language,
or
indeed
give
recognition
to
it.
It
is
on
the
record
that
an
Irish
Language
Act
was
promised
under
the
St
Andrews
Agreement,
which
now
seems
to
count
for
nothing
in
Stormont.
One
week
before
Mr
Poot’s
announcement
there
was
a
session
of
belittlement
of
Gaeilge
in
Stormont
when
44
DUP
and
UUP
members
voted
to
support
a
motion
by
David
Mc
Narry
of
the
UUP
casting
down
on
the
Irish
language.
For
their
information
and
enlightenment
Gaeilge
had
the
first
literature
north
of
the
Alps
after
Greece
and
Rome.
It
is
part
of
the
rich
inheritance
of
all
the
people
of
Ireland,
including
the
Unionists
and
they,
together
with
the
rest
of
us,
should
be
very
proud
of
it.
haobh
ó
dheas
den
Teorainn
bhí
céim
ar
gcúl
nuair
d’fhógair
Mary
Hanafin,
Aire
Oideachais
I
dTeach
Laighean,
cinneadh
go
mbéadh
ar
na
Gaelscoileanna
Béarla
a
mhúineadh
do
na
naíonáin
shóisearacha,,
rud
atá
glan
in-aghaidh
an
luath-thumoideachais
lán-Ghaeilge.
The
all-Irish
Gaelscoileanna
have
been
the
much-vaunted
success
story
of
the
restoration
of
the
language.
Their
practice
of
early
total
immersion
in
Irish
in
the
infant
classes
is
based
on
good
practice
and
the
results
of
international
research
into
language
teaching.
Children
will
learn
English
very
quickly
outside
the
school
and
have
no
difficulty
absorbing
it
as
results
of
very
many
years
have
shown.
Bhí
cruinniú
urgnách
ag
Gaelscoileanna
Teo,
eagras
comhordaithe
na
scoileanna
lán-Ghaeilge
sa
Stát,
ag
ar
cáineadh
Ms
Hanafin
go
láidir.
Ritheadh
an
rún
seo
leanas
ag
an
gcruinniú
in
Áth
Luain
ar
Mhéan-Fomhair
29:
“Is
bun-phrionsabal
luachmhar
oideachasúil
de
chuid
na
gaelscolaíochta
an
luath-thumoideachas
lán
Ghaeilge
i
ranganna
na
naíonán;
gur
ceart
é
a
bhaineann
le
sainspriorad
na
gaelscoile,
agus
go
gcuirfidh
gaelscoileanna
i
gcoinne
aon
iarracht
an
prionsabal
seo
a
chealú,
nó
a
athrú,
nó
a
mhaolú”.
D’fhógair
an
dara
rún
an
ceart
a
bheith
ag
gaelscoileanna
“an
múnla
den
luath-thumoideachas
is
oiriúnaí
dá
gcúinsí
féin
a
roghnú
agus
a
chur
i
bhfeidhm”.
D’fháiltigh
an
tríú
rún
roimh
moltaí
an
Chomhairle
Náisiúnta
Curaclam
agu
Measúnachta
(CNCM)
agus
rinne
éileamh
ar
an
Aire
Oideachas
agus
Eolaíochta
go
dtabharfaí
feidhm
láithreach
do
mholtaí
uile
an
CNCM
i
leith
na
ceiste
seo.
Glacadh
leis
na
trí
ruin
d’aon
ghuth.
The
coordinating
body
of
the
Gaelscoileanna
met
and
passed
resolutions
condemning
Ms
Hanafin’s
decision,
supporting
the
selection
by
each
Gaelscoil
of
the
mould
of
early
total
immersion
that
best
suited
its
own
situation
and
accepting
the
recommendations
of
the
National
Council
for
Curriculum
and
Assessment
with
a
demand
to
the
Minister
that
she
implement
these
recommendations
forthwith.
Does
Ms
Hanafin
think
she
is
impressing
the
Stormont
unionists
and
the
British
Establishment
by
her
stance?
Despite
setbacks
such
as
this,
gaelscoileanna
was
able
to
announce
the
opening
of
eight
new
all-Irish
medium
schools
this
year.
These
consist
of
four
at
primary
level,
in
Leitrim.
Galway,
Meath
and
Cork,
and
four
at
second
level,
in
Waterford;
Gorey,
Co
Wexford;
Buncrana
Co
Donegal
and
Arklow,
Co
Wicklow.
May
we,
at
this
Ard-Fheis,
congratulate
them
on
their
great
work.
Go
mbuanaidh
Dia
sibh.
In
the
primary
schools
generally
there
is
a
very
great
need
to
deliver
basic
literacy
and
numeracy.
When
approximately
20%
of
children
leaving
primary
schools
are
not
functionally
literate,
i.e.
able
to
read
a
bus
or
a
train
timetable,
there
is
a
great
defect
in
the
education
system.
A
lack
in
numeracy
is
equally
bad.
Both
of
these
deficiencies
must
become
priorities.
Meanwhile
the
European
Commission
has
told
the
Leinster
House
government
it
needs
to
brush
up
on
its
Irish
grammar
or
risk
undermining
the
use
of
Gaeilge
as
an
official
EU
language.
It
pointed
to
a
lack
of
properly
qualified
Irish
translators
and
an
acute
shortage
of
interpreters.
It
requests
that
a
detailed
official
grammar
be
published
as
soon
as
possible
and
highlights
that
there
is
no
training
course
in
the
26
Counties
in
conference
interpreting.
In
the
past
year
also
there
have
been
significant
developments
in
both
Scotland
and
Wales.
The
Scottish
National
Party
(SNP)
has
formed
a
minority
government
on
its
own
in
the
Scottish
Parliament
and
published
a
White
Paper
in
August.
This
proposes
a
“national
conversation”
on
how
that
parliament
will
grow
in
influence
and
authority,
culminating
in
a
referendum
by
2010
on
either
independence
or
deeper
devolution.
Similarly
in
Wales,
Plaid
Cymru
(the
Welsh
Nationalist
Party)
made
a
coalition
deal
with
the
Welsh
Labour
Party
to
hold
a
referendum
before
the
next
election
in
2011
to
transform
the
existing
Welsh
national
assembly
into
a
full-blooded
parliament
They
will
both
organise
a
convention
to
prepare
for
such
a
referendum.
During
September,
a
poll
undertaken
by
researchers
at
Aberystwyth
University
showed
a
majority
now
want
a
Scottish-style
parliament,
with
lawmaking
and
tax-varying
powers.
The
Celtic
nations
within
the
so-called
United
Kingdom
appear
to
be
on
the
march
just
at
the
time
the
Six
Counties
are
being
solidified
under
English
rule
and
the
26
Counties
are
being
anglicised
as
never
before.
The
Irish
people
who
led
the
way
to
national
independence
in
the
20th
century
are
now
--
in
the
21st
–
at
the
back
of
the
queue.
What
a
change.
Recent
reports
show
vast
extremes
of
poverty
and
wealth
in
the
26
Counties.
The
Bank
of
Ireland’s
Wealth
of
the
Nation
estimated
that
the
top
1%
of
the
population
holds
20
per
cent
of
the
wealth
and
that
the
top
5
percent
holds
40
per
cent.
If
housing
is
excluded
the
situation
is
even
worse:
1
per
cent
of
the
population
accounts
for
34
per
cent
of
the
wealth.
Nearly
one
in
five
people
(18.5
per
cent)
has
an
income
below
the
poverty
line
of
11,000
euro
for
a
single
adult
or
less
than
25,400
euro
for
a
household
of
four.
That
is
income
after
tax
but
including
all
social
welfare
benefits.
Last
December
the
ESRI
published
Work
Incentives,
Poverty
and
Welfare
in
Ireland
.
It
cited
a
Unicef
(United
Nations
Children’s
Fund)
study
showing
shocking
rates
of
child
poverty
in
Ireland
as
compared
with
other
rich
countries.
We
came
22nd
on
a
list
of
26
countries.
We
had
the
highest
child
care
costs
in
the
OECD
and
had
27th
place
in
social
spending
and
26th
in
health
spending
(RTE
Radio
One
June
23).
We
ask:
Why
not
introduce
tax
on
profits
generated
from
land
rezonings
and
increase
capital
gains
tax
from
20
to
25
per
cent?
And
poverty-proof
all
budget
tax
packages
to
ensure
that
tax
charges
do
not
further
widen
the
gap
between
those
with
low
income
and
the
better
off?
In
early
August
Republican
Sinn
Féin
deplored
the
decision
to
downgrade
Shannon
Airport
further
by
ending
the
direct
Aer
Lingus
connection
to
London
Heathrow.
If
access
slots
must
be
found
for
Belfast,
let
them
be
taken
from
another
quarter,
for
example,
Dublin.
The
whole
western
region
is
being
made
to
suffer
once
more
in
the
interests
of
east
coast
development.
Is
Shannon
Airport
to
be
compensated
by
an
increased
use
as
a
staging
base
for
imperialist
wars
regardless
of
the
damage
being
done
to
industrial
and
business
development?
On
May
4
the
O/C
CIRA
POWs
in
Maghaberry
Prison
in
a
statement
announced
a
temporary
suspension
of
their
10-
month
long
protest
since
June
19,
2006.
Meetings
had
been
held
by
representatives
of
the
protest
with
various
organisations,
including
the
hierarchy
of
the
Catholic
Church.
Archbishop
Seán
Brady
visited
the
prison
and
spoke
directly
with
the
O/C
of
the
prisoners
on
protest.
The
Church
representatives
appealed
for
a
suspension
of
the
protest
to
allow
them
to
enter
discussions
on
the
prisoners’
behalf.
The
POWs
demanded
direct
talks
between
their
O/C
and
the
British.
Some
changes
were
implemented.
The
prisoners
demanded
more
significant
change
and
said
they
would
not
“allow
the
status
quo
to
remain
for
a
further
three
years”.
However,
there
has
since
been
a
gradual
clawing
back
on
the
advances
made
as
a
result
of
the
protest
in
Maghaberry
Prison.
The
future
does
not
look
good.
This
Ard-fheis
congratulates
the
Republican
prisoners
on
their
struggle
against
the
British
criminalisation
policy;
it
compliments
the
Republican
Prisoners
Action
Group
and
the
Republican
Sinn
Féin
POW
Department
on
their
good
work
in
campaigning
in
support
of
the
prisoners.
The
prison
protest
may
be
suspended
but
the
campaign
for
political
status
goes
on.
We
also
compliment
the
POWs
in
Portlaoise
for
their
hunger
strikes
in
support
of
comrades
in
Maghaberry.
The
campaign
continues.
Other
campaigns
we
have
been
involved
in
must
likewise
be
unremitting.
These
include
the
Anti-War
protests,
support
for
Shell-to
Sea,
the
Tara
road
route,
the
co-location
of
private
and
public
hospitals
on
public
grounds
and
whatever
local
issues
may
be
identified
in
each
area.
Preparation
for
the
26-County
local
elections
in
2009
have
already
begun
and
the
first
convention
for
the
selection
of
candidates
will
be
held
in
Galway
in
two
weeks
time.
Other
areas
must
move
immediately
after
this
Ard-Fheis.
Above
all
an
Election
Fund
must
be
opened
promptly
and
contributions
made
from
all
areas.
Next
summer
we
face
the
prospect
of
a
referendum
in
the
26
Counties
on
the
revised
European
Union
constitution,
which
will
be
called
a
“Reform
Treaty”
to
facilitate
its
passage.
It
is,
of
course,
90
–
96%
the
EU
constitution
which
the
electorates
in
France
and
Holland
have
already
rejected
by
way
of
referendum.
As
in
the
case
of
the
rejected
Nice
treaty,
it
was
subjected
to
just
cosmetic
change
and
forced
on
the
people
again.
Politically
and
constitutionally,
however,
the
most
important
thing
the
new
treaty
would
do
would
be
to
give
to
the
new
European
Union
the
constitutional
form
of
a
supranational
state
for
the
first
time,
making
this
new
union
separate
from
and
superior
to
its
27
member
states.
This
would
make
the
EU
just
like
the
United
States
of
America
in
that
the
USA
is
separate
from,
and
constitutionally
superior
to,
California
and
New
York.
Similarly,
Germany
is
separate
from
and
superior
to
Bavaria
and
Saxony.
The
new-type
EU
would
be
enabled
to
sign
international
treaties
with
other
states
and
have
its
own
president
and
foreign
minister
–
however
styled
–
although
the
references
to
symbols
e.g.
flag,
anthem
and
national
day
have
been
removed.
The
fact
is
that
the
powers
and
the
reality
are
conferred
on
the
new
EU
in
this
treaty
we
are
asked
to
accept.
A
new
voting
system
based
on
population
will
favour
large
states
like
Germany,
Britain,
France
and
Italy,
as
against
smaller
to
medium
states.
The
national
veto
on
about
40
more
policy
areas
is
to
be
removed.
The
number
of
commissioners
is
to
reduced
from
27
to
18,
that
is
from
one
per
state,
to
two-thirds
or
none
every
third
year.
In
plain
and
simple
language,
the
EU
is
tightening
still
further
its
grip
on
smaller
states
and
it
will
be
to
their
detriment.
With
all
its
so-called
diplomatic
skills
the
State
has
lost
one
seat
in
the
EU
Parliament.
Eleven
counties
of
the
26
are
lumped
together
in
a
mismatch
of
all
four
provinces
with
just
three
seats.
The
democratic
representative
graph
is
going
down
as
the
26-county
State
leaves
the
regional
support
area
and
the
money
goes
to
eastern
Europe.
The
outcome
would
be
that
the
new
EU
would
then
possess
all
the
key
features
of
a
fully
developed
state,
except
the
power
to
impose
taxes
and
to
take
its
constituent
member
states
(including
the
whole
of
Ireland
in
two
parts)
to
war
against
their
will.
Of
course,
the
Euro-integrationists
hope
it
will
acquire
these
remaining
features
in
time.
Republican
Sinn
Féin
has
always
opposed
this
new
imperialism
and
will
once
more
campaign
for
a
No
vote.
It
is
now
clearer
than
ever
where
all
this
building
of
a
United
States
of
Europe
is
leading
us
–
into
an
oil-grab
and
“the
resource
wars
of
the
21st
century”
(Jacques
Delors).
Out
with,
away
with,
imperialist
warfare!
Vote
No.
The
recent
Irish
Times
TNS/mrbi
opinion
poll
shows
that
people
are
not
enamoured
at
all
of
the
new
cosmetic
version
of
the
EC
constitution.
In
the
matter
of
waste
management
recycling
is
up
from
5%
to
35%
which
is
a
great
improvement.
An
extension
of
the
brown
bin
scheme
as
in
Galway
and
Killarney
together
with
Mechanical
Biological
Treatment
can
avoid
all
need
for
expensive
and
polluting
incineration.
With
regard
to
energy
the
problem
is
not
only
that
carbon
emissions
cause
greenhouse
warming
but
also
over
reliance
on
imported
fossil
fuels.
Large
scale
harnessing
of
wind,
especially
off-shore
wind
and
of
wave
power,
can
make
a
huge
contribution
here.
The
use
of
solar
panels
and
an
extension
of
the
greener
home
scheme
to
domestic
wind
generation
would
also
assist.
On
May
9
last
yet
another
Justice
Bill
was
signed
into
law
in
the
26
Counties,
marking
a
further
erosion
of
civil
rights
there.
Although
alleged
to
be
part
of
the
“war
on
drugs”,
such
legislation
is
being
used
to
stop
and
search
our
members
in
the
street
and
to
threaten
more
seizures
of
our
funds.
We
note
the
opposition
of
the
Irish
Council
for
Civil
Liberties
and
the
view
of
the
Irish
Human
Rights
Commission
that
the
new
legislation
presents
“a
danger
of
injustice”.
Another
matter
to
be
brought
to
public
attention
is
the
statement
by
the
Dublin
Minister
for
Justice
as
reported
in
the
Irish
Times
of
October
17.
He
said;
“Of
course,
anyone
who
hasn’t
subscribed
to
the
peace
process
on
this
island
is
a
danger
and
a
threat
and
has
to
be
dealt
with”.
Firstly
the
name
of
this
island
is
Ireland.
Secondly,
he
declares
people
who
do
not
accept
English
rule
in
our
country
to
be
dangerous
and
a
menace.
That
is
a
British
imperialist
viewpoint
and
Mr
Lenihan
should
be
ashamed
of
himself.
For
our
part
we
stand
by
the
1916
Proclamation.
We
do
not
fear
the
edicts
of
the
successor
of
Kevin
O’
Higgins
and
Gerry
Boland.
The
Minister
went
on
to
say;
“We’re
working
very
closely
with
the
authorities
in
Northern
Ireland
to
make
sure
that
that
threat
is
kept
to
a
minimum”.
We
have
never
doubted
that
down
the
years:
but
Lord
Birkenhead
put
it
more
succinctly
in
1922
when
he
said
that
under
the
Treaty
they
were
“holding
Ireland
for
the
Empire
with
an
economy
of
English
lives”.
During
the
past
year
also
a
number
of
our
veteran
members
passed
on.
Two
need
to
mentioned
here.
Seán
Lavin,
the
grand
old
man
of
Irish
Republicanism
in
Australia,
died
there
in
July
at
the
age
of
94.
A
Dublin
man,
he
was
interned
without
trial
at
the
Curragh
in
the
1940s.
On
release
he
resumed
his
activities,
and
when
his
employment
failed
in
1967
he
had
the
courage
to
strike
out
for
Australia
with
his
family
at
the
age
of
54.
There
he
took
part
in
all
activities,
remained
loyal
and
true,
and
stayed
in
constant
touch
with
Head
Office
in
Dublin.
Ar
dheis
Dé
go
raibh
a
anam
cróga.
Likewise
our
Patron
since
2004,
Dan
Keating
of
Kerry,
was
a
model
Irish
Republican.
Over
the
past
20
years
we
have
had
four
patrons:
Tom
Maguire,
Michael
Flannery,
George
Harrison
and
Dan
Keating.
Dan’s
record
is
well
known
and
he
was
probably
the
most
beloved
of
all
four
to
date.
He
was
not
a
remote
figure
but
was
personally
well-known
to
living
generations
because
he
was
able
to
attend
here
at
Ard-Fheiseanna,
to
mix
and
speak
with
delegates
and
visitors.
He
addressed
the
Ard-Fheis
and
gave
interviews
to
the
media.
Dan
believed
in
the
historic
Irish
nation,
one
country
with
a
sovereign
right
to
national
independence.
He
accurately
described
the
so-called
“peace”
process
as
a
“surrender
process”.
His
indomitable
spirit
pervades
this
Ard-Fheis
today.
On
that
note
we
conclude
with
the
slogans
Victory
to
the
Irish
people!
An
Phoblacht
Abú!
|
